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At the Metropolitan, Andrea Bayer has served as coordinator, oversee- ing all organizational matters as well as writing the entries for the prints: to her my debt is very great. Lisa Rotmil volun- teered her services to help in the final stages of the production of the catalogue.

making money doing data entry online Manual

Mahrukh Tarapor, Assistant Director, has worked tirelessly to secure cru- cial loans, as has Placido Arango. Ruben, and Ann Lucke, who had the complicated task of editing and overseeing the translations. Our intention here is to throw a glance at the Ribera presented by the parish records, notarial and court documents, correspon- dence, and bank payments and to make one or two pertinent observations.

The character of the primary sources that have survived for Ribera is such that we know a great deal about some aspects of his life, whereas about others we are wholly ignorant. Contrast, for example, the extremely detailed docu- mentation yielded by the Historical Archives of the Banco di Napoli, which informs us about the painter s most banal financial transactions — the acquisition of a pair of mules from his sister- in-law Anna Azzolino in or the installation of a new set of locks in his house in the Strada di Santo Spirito some years later 1 — with the complete absence of information concerning his youth, training, and his move from Spain to Italy In fact, the primary sources are silent about the artist's life from the day of his baptism in Jativa, on February 17, , until June , when he received payment in Parma for an altarpiece of Saint Martin fig.

Jusepe de Ribera, Joel detail. Museo e Certosa di San Martino, Naples artist, he did so with a spirit of relentless polemic against De Dominici, whom he considered to be nothing but a peddler of "barefaced lies. Why this is so is not clear. At present it is still not possible either to deny or to confirm De Dominici's assertion that Ribera was appointed court painter by the duke of Osuna, viceroy from to , with a monthly salary of 60 doubloons.

The payment recorded in in the registers of the Banco di San Giacomo, according to which Ribera received ducats from the secret account of the king of Spain, may represent a settlement of arrears. They mention illness, financial hardship, family bereavement, and the state of works in progress, 22 and yet Ribera's art does represent a series of profound and dis- cerning aesthetic choices. Stylistically, the early works are char- acterized by an acute, Caravaggesque attention to the surface and structure of his models and objects, tempered by an ap- preciation for the work of Annibale Carracci and Guido Reni; the increasing luminosity of his palette and the greater formal complexity of his later works is rooted in his study of the art of the sixteenth century, especially that of Titian — a process that is paralleled in Velazquez's development.

In his chalk drawings, he displays a propensity for academic refinement, but in his observation of quotidian actuality his pen work reveals a wry and cutting wit. The letter written by Lodovico Carracci to the Roman collector Ferrante Carlo is precious not only because it testifies to the esteem accorded the Parma Saint Martin by the doyen of Bolognese painting, but also be- cause it states that Lodovico had been impressed by the opin- ions "li pareri" that Ribera had expressed about the pictures in Carlo's collection.

According to Jusepe Martinez's ac- count of his meeting with the artist in Naples in , Ribera declared that he "meditated" on the works of the great mas- ters of the sixteenth century, especially Raphael, adding that the painter who did not do so would easily founder. Documents also shed light on Ribera's personal relations with his artist colleagues and demonstrate that the artistic com- munity of early seventeenth-century Naples was a close-knit group bound by family ties and friendships.

Ribera's alliance with Azzolino — a successful painter and sculptor who had been established in Naples for many years — through his marriage with his daughter Caterina must surely have neutralized a whole range of potential threats to a successful career, even if the Spaniard did have the viceroy's protection from an early date.

The poor relationship with the former is attested to only in the secondary sources; the documents say nothing about it. Perhaps Ribera's relationship with Caracciolo would be better described as one of rivalry rather than enmity, since eight years later thev stood together as witnesses to the marriage of Do. Antonio Giordano was the father of the better-known Luca, who would later be trained by Ribera.

It was valued at the substantial sum of ducats. Thanks to the legal proceedings initiated against the artist bv Cristoforo Papa to recover a sum advanced to him in for a painting of the Nativity, which bv had not vet been deliv- ered, three letters written bv Papa to Ribera have been pre- served in the State Archives in Naples, among the records of the court case. The three letters inform us about a whole group of paintings made for Sicilian patrons, none of which, unfortunately can be identified today.

The court papers do not state how che case was resolved, and we do not know if the work was completed. The papers relating to Ribera's work for the Certosa di San Martino in Naples are preserved in the State Archives in the Suppressed Monasteries sections Among them are some five copies with slight differences between them j of the list of payments made to the painter. They show that occasionally he was paid in kind, with wheat, wine ' once with two barrels of the Vesuvian wine, Lacnma Christn, and other provisions.

The three letters written by the painter to the prior of the Certosa in 1 show in a most poignant fash- ion how much his prestige had fallen and how poor his financial circumstances had become. There he appears as a disdainful and arrogant man whose reprehensible behavior fully merited the loss of family honor that followed the seduction of his daughter by the swashbuckling roval bastard, Don Juan of Austria.

The monks of the Certosa di San Martino, on the other hand, describe him as "a pious person, friendly with the religious, who always be- haved with love and generosity toward the Church. Despite the good things said by the monks of San Martino, we may still find it a little surprising that Cosimo del Sera characterized Ribera as an "extremely modest man. In he was made a knight of the Order of Christ of Portugal,? It is not unreasonable to sup- pose that what he really desired were the insignia of one of the Spanish military orders, probably that of Santiago, and that the genealogical document sent by the secretary of the Holy Office in Jativa, Juan Bautista Marti, to the Inquisitor General in a document that was mistranscribed and misinterpreted by San Petrillo when he published it in represents a preliminary step in Riberas unsuccessful attempt to obtain a Spanish knighthood.

Mariette had seen a letter that the painter had pur- portedly given to a certain Monsieur Langlois "in which he requested that he [Langlois] should find out if in the diocese of Ausch [sic] there were people who bore the name de la Riviere so that Lo Spagnoletto could associate them with his own fam- ily in order to magnify its glory. M 56 I t j s true tnat tne Vatican committee that had approved his admittance to the Order of Christ had declared him to be "born of noble stock,"57 but this was nothing more than a documentary formula, and, as we know from the case of Velazquez, the Council of Orders in Madrid demanded much more than hearsay or formulas by way of proof.

None of Ribera s sons became painters, and none of his daughters married painters, as did the daughters of Azzolino, Filippo Vitale, and, in Spain, Velazquez. Might these facts perhaps indicate a certain disdain on Ribera's part toward his own profession, an attitude that was not untypical of contemporary Spanish society? Probably not, at least if we believe that De Dominici's account of a prank Ribera played on two Spanish officers accurately reflects the artist s attitudes. De Dominici relates that one day these two officers, who often visited the artist, were in his studio discussing alchemy, the philosopher's stone, and the secret of making gold.

Ribera, exasparated by their futile and ridiculous arguments, told them that he knew the secret and that if they returned the following morning he would make them party to it. The next day they found him at work on a half-length painting of Saint John the Baptist. When he had completed it, he sent an apprentice to deliver the picture to a certain knight. The apprentice returned with a small paper packet.

Ribera invited the two officers, who could not bear to wait any longer, to observe the magic opera- tion. He opened up the packet and threw ten gold doubloons sent by the knight on to a table, exclaiming, "Here's how well I know how to make gold! What alchemy, what gold, what stone? DA, June ii, 1. According to an unpublished two-volume manuscript by Enrico Scarabelli-Zunti, entitled "Documenti e memorie di belle arti parmigiane dall'anno all'anno 18 5 1. XVI questa piccola chiesa tre altari, uno dei quali mantenuto da una Confraternita laica [che] nel commise al pittore Giuseppe Ribera detto lo Spagnoletto, giunto allora in Parma a studiare le opere deH'immortale Allegri, quella stupenda pala esprimente S.

Martino che divide il mantello per coprire la nudita del povero. In the sixteenth century, this small church had three altars, one of which was maintained by a lay confraternity [that] in commis- sioned from the painter Giuseppe Ribera, known as Lo Spagnoletto, who was then in Parma to study the works of the immortal Allegri, that stupendous altarpiece which shows Saint Martin dividing his cloak to cover a poor man s nakedness. The young and almost unknown artist was paid only lire [sic] and one soldo for the picture, when today it would be worth thousands!

For the subsequent history of the Saint Martin, see Cordaro Celano , vol. Prota-Giurleo , p. As I have attempted to show in the first chapter of my doctoral thesis on Ribera, which I am in the course of writing at the Courtauld Insti- tute of Art, University of London. Nappi ; Delfino , , DA, July 21, ; see De Vito As early as , Doria referred to Azzolino as ''compare," a term of familial affection; see Pacelli , p. Perhaps the payment made to Ribera on October 26, , by Pier Capponi and Cosimo del Sera see DA for that date , relates to the painting commissioned by the grand duke.

DA, December 20, i6? Monterrey became viceroy of Naples in May i6;l DA, May 7 , and April 20, See Felton De Dominici , vol. DA, February 12, ; alternatively, it may represent payment lor the three paintings of saints that Ribera is recorded as having painted for Osuna in a letter from Del Sera to Cioli, written three weeks earlier, for which see DA, January 23, The paintings referred to are prob- ably identical with three of those at Osuna, for which see Finaldi DA, January 23, , and March 6, 1 See Finaldi DA, February 11, A fragment of another letter, perhaps a first draft of a letter written to Antonio Ruffo, is on the back of a drawing in the Uffizi S; the so-called Christ Recognized by the Apostles.

DA, December 11, Martinez , p. DA, October 7 ; September 22, , DA, May 3, DA, after September 6, 1. DA, after The document was published by Faraglia , who thought that it dated from Trapier , p. The document must date from between and because Stanzione was in Rome from until 16 ]o and Finoglia was in Conversano after DA, June 13, Sandrart , p. Bellon , p. DA, November 10, DA, November 7, Also see the biography of Luca Giordano published by Ceci in , p. Parronchi , pp. The work was begun in late February Reference is made to it in an unpublished letter from Vincenzo Vettori, Florentine agent in Naples from to , to the grand duke s secretary, Andrea Cioli Archivio di Stato, Florence; Mediceo , July 24, The letter also mentions another figure in wax that Vettori was presenting to Cioli: "Havendo cavata dalle mani al famoso Giulio di Grazia, che fece il Giuditio di Paride per Sua Altezza Serenissima, una delle sue figurine di cera, non ho saputo bene meglio collocarla che nelle mani di Vostra Signoria Unpublished letter from the secretary of the duke of Alcala to the duke's agent in Naples, Sancho de Cespedes, October 3, Su Excelencia holgana mucho de tener algunos dias en Palermo a Julio de Gratis el que labra de cera para cjue le labrase alguna cosa i para verle hazer el Azul Ultramarino como ya le hizo otra vez delante de Su Excelencia en Napoles en castelnovo, tratarlo con el Sancho de Cespedes Advirtiendo que ha de ser con much gusto del giulio assegurandole cjue se le dara para la benida i vuelta que el tiempo que aqui quisiere detenerse se la dara posada 1 todo lo nezessario i quando se buelva se le regalara muy a su satisfacjon i si pareciere assentar primero lo que ha de ser se le podria offrezer cien ducados si se le tubiese un mes i ducientos si se tubiese dos i esto demas de pagarle la venida y buelta i toda la costa de lo que se tubiere si quisiere venir.

Se le odra advertir que traiga algun poco de lapis lazuli que no se si hallara aqui. His Excellency would be very pleased to have Giulio de Grazia, the man who works in wax, in Palermo for a few days so that he might make something for him, and to observe him making the Ultramarine Blue, as he did before in His Excellency's presence, in Naples in Castel Nuovo. Sancho de Cespedes should arrange it with him, ensuring that everything be to Giulio's satisfaction, assuring him that he will be compensated for his outward and return journey and that for the time he wishes to remain here he will be given lodgings and everything else that is necessary and when he returns he will be rewarded to his satisfaction; and if first he wishes to confirm what he will receive he can be offered a hundred ducats if he stays for a month and two hundred if he stays for two, and this in addition to payment of his return journey and all his expenses if he chooses to come.

He may be well advised to bring a little lapis lazuli because I'm not sure if it can be found here [Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional; MS. I54v-i5 5r]. Giulio de Grazia's response must have been conditional, because in early November the duke of Alcala wrote to Cespedes saying: "He visto lo que rresponde Julio de Gratis i ya os dixe que en proponerle la venida habia de ser hallando el mucha conveniencia i con comodidad en ella" I have seen what Giulio de Grazia replies and, as I already told you, in proposing his visit here it should be to his convenience and advantage [fol.

Ruotolo , p.

Dai magici tetti dei trulli di Puglia

As early as , Giulio de Grazias name appears in connection with Azzolino's when the latter cedes a credit note for ducats given to Azzolino bv Lanfranco Massa, on behalf of Marcantonio Doria to Giulio, for which see Pacelli , p. DA, November 3, ; August 13, ; and April 14, ASN, Monasteri Soppressi , fols.

DA, June 20, 1; June 23, ; and September 6, DA, June 29, See Perez Sanchez 1. The object of Don Juan's seduction would appear to have been a niece and not a daughter of Jusepe de Ribera. DA, December 12, DA, September 16, DA, May 1, DA, DA, January 29, In the portrait of Magdalena Ventura. DA Elena Postigo Casteilanos of the Universidad Autonoma in Madrid author of the interesting studv entitled Honor y privikgio en hi corona dc Castilla [Almazan, ] ; informs me that it was normal proce- dure for those from little-known families who aspired to a Spanish knighthood to be asked for a "cursus honorum," which usually in- cluded as a primary element a "familiatura" of the Inquisition.

This was a formal statement of adherence to the Holy Office. The document quoted in DA may, in fact, represent part of the request for such a "familiatura. For Francois Langlois, called Ciartres, see Brown We do not know how long Lo Spagnoletto a nickname he was al- ready known by and his future father-in-law had known each other, but there is no reason not to suppose that their rela- tionship was recent in formation and that it followed Riberas arrival in Naples from Rome, where he is last documented in May 1 61 6.

Nonetheless, the possibility cannot be excluded that their acquaintance went back to an earlier, undocumented trip by Ribera to Naples. In any case, the marriage to Azzolino s daughter marks the beginning of a new stage in the life of the Valencian painter. The change occasioned by his move to Na- ples and his abandonment of the bohemian life that he had enjoyed in Rome are pointed out by his first biographer, Giulio Mancini, in a text written about M [In Naples] he married one of his [Azzolino s] daughters and, doing various works with his usual felicitous manner, he was introduced to the viceroy.

As a result, he lives in that city, still spending his usual amount and that extra that a wife and honourable appearance at court necessitates; nonetheless, having left the wastrels [sparapani], given his speed of working together with his han- dling of paint [colorito] and good judgment, his earnings are enough to maintain the splendour of his life.

There is, indeed, a continuity between what Ribera painted in Rome and what he would paint "with his usual felicitous man- ner 1 ' during his early years in Naples, and it is no easy task to distinguish between Riberas style before and after his arrival. If we take as a comparative point of reference , the year in which the tercentenary of the artist's death was commemo- rated, it becomes apparent that the research of the last few decades has produced very significant clarifications of Ribera's activity in Italy before he arrived in Naples in We now know that the move from Spain to Italy had occurred by , the date of the Saint Martin Sharing His Cloak with a Beggar, which he painted for the Church of San Prospero in Parma the work has been lost, but copies and an etching have been preserved; see fig.

Yet our knowledge of Ribera s pre-Italian period is still almost nonexistent: We know nothing certain about him from the time of his birth in Jativa in to his appearance in Parma in This leaves much room for con- jecture, but since not all the hypotheses that have been formu- lated have taken into proper account the known facts, these should be examined in some detail. Some scholars, such as August Mayer and Neil MacLaren, expressed reservations regarding the reliability of these baptismal and marriage documents.

And if that incontrovertible verification were not enough, a curious genealogy that was uncovered by Baron de San Petrillo 6 and dated by a notary of the Secretariat of the Inquisition resident in Jativa identifies the shoemaker Simon Ribera as the father of the insigne pintor celebrated painter , confirming what we already knew from the parish records of that city. He was, rather, born into the family of a shoemaker, the trade attrib- uted to Simon Ribera in the oldest of the cited documents that refer to him, that of his marriage in to Margarita Cuco, his first wife and the mother of Lo Spagnoletto.

He is also described as a shoemaker in his second marriage and in his third marriage in to the daughter of another shoemaker. It should be remembered that Jativa — the Iberian Saiti, the Roman Saetabis — is a city with a long history; raised to an episcopal see during the Visigothic period, conquered by the Moslems in the tenth century, it is the oldest documented about center of paper manufacture in Western Europe.

Fernand Braudel quotes the lapidary phrase of the arch- bishop of Valencia, Saint Juan de Ribera, the zealous promoter of the expulsion of the Moriscos , who said, when he saw them leaving: "Who will make our shoes for us now? It was therefore plausible to cautiously propose an identification of Ribera s father with that Simone Rivera or de Ribera.

But with the solid information on the obscure Valencian shoemaker now in our possession, this identification now seems highly improbable. This is surely a double? It was the family name of people of the highest rank, including viceroys, the count of Olivares it was his mother's family name , and the duke of Alcala — with all the consequent gathering of relatives with the same name around them — the admiral Fran- 10 cisco de Ribera and the actress Antonia Ribera who caused so many problems for another viceroy, a protector of Lo Spagnoletto, the count of Monterrey , and others whose biog- raphies escape us but who are buried in the churches of San- tiago, Monteoliveto, and Santo Spirito and are mentioned in registry documents.

Jativa was the home of the Borjas, or Borgias Calixtus III and Alexander VI, the only Spanish popes except for the anti- pope Benedict XIII, were born there , among other distin- guished families, and it once had an artistic patrimony much richer than the one it now possesses.

Its architecture suffered a severe blow with the demolition ordered by Philip V in retalia- tion for the city's having favored the archduke Charles in the War of the Spanish Succession Equally or even more unfortunate was the massive destruction during the Spanish Civil War of more than two hundred altarpieces and paintings that made Jativa a museum of primitive art, as Elfas Tormo entitled his study of this subject. These names also make it pat- ently clear that in this field Jativa was an appendage of the city of Valencia, situated some fifty kilometers away.

The shoemak- er's son must have gone there at an early age to initiate or continue his apprenticeship as a painter. That Jusepe Ribera would go to work in the capital is not only a logical deduction, it is also supported by information concerning his brother Juan, about whom only two biographi- cal notices subsequent to his birth are known: in he was in Rome, living with his brother Jusepe, and in he appeared in Naples, again living in his brother s house. Juan Ribera inter- vened as a witness for Adott, declaring that he himself was a "Spaniard of the city of Valencia" and that he knew Adott "as a compatriot, who lived on the same street in Valencia.

Juan Ribera s statement clearly implies a long residence in what he says is his native city. And since everything else we know about him — his profession, his presence in Rome and in Naples — suggests that he followed in Jusepe s footsteps, we can assume that they also lived together for a time in the city of Valencia. Having lost their mother and then their stepmother at an early age and undoubtedly having relatives in the capital Simon Ribera and his father came from the suburban district of Ruzafa , perhaps they left Jativa while still quite young.

Palomino, whose Lives was published in , was the first to write that Lo Spagnoletto had been a pupil of Francisco Ribalta. This notion was undisputed except implicitly by the spurious story of De Dominici and those who repeated it until the middle of our century. Nothing seemed more logical, in fact, than to accept an idea that established a direct connection be- tween the two greatest personalities of the seventeenth century in Valencia although one was an immigrant and the other emigrated elsewhere.

But a brief analysis of Palomino's text shows that his information was extremely deficient. Whereas he assures us that Francisco Ribalta "studied the art of painting in Italy; some say in the school of Annibale [Carracci], but more in the works of Raphael," in another passage he includes "Ribalta the Valencian" among the Spanish painters who became fa- mous without having to study in Italy. This enormous distor- tion of such basic historical facts is only one of the reasons obliging us to mistrust the Spanish Vasari with regard to the specific information that now concerns us.

Still, there is reason to consider that he may have received it from a trustworthy source, for example, his conversations with Luca Giordano. This is not easy to verify, but in the final analysis what really matters is something else: can specific links be detected be- tween Ribera's painting and that of Francisco Ribalta or any other artist active in Valencia during the first decade of the seventeenth century? Mayer and Tormo gave an affirmative re- sponse to this question, believing that the Ribalta-Ribera con- nection is supported by the evidence of style.

However, we are now more familiar with the evolution of Francisco Ribalta,' 6 who only after 5 entered his last and highest phase, one that justifies including him among the great Spanish painters of his century. It is a phase in which — parallel to his precocious son Juan and perhaps stimulated by him — Francisco begins to show the results of the fertile contact with the naturalistic, Caravaggesque current that has led even the most competent critics to argue whether a painting like the Ramon Lhdl in the Barcelona museum should be attributed to him or to Velazquez in his Sevillan period in my opinion, the issue is not yet set- tled.

The Ribalta with whom Ribera would have worked ad- hered to the heterogeneous Mannerist style of those painters who worked in the Escorial, with hints ranging from Sebastiano del Piombo to engravings from the North, none of which ap- pears in the production of his presumptive pupil. The affinity between the two should be sought in more general characteris- tics: expressive rigor, intensity, and a certain inclination toward a direct approach to reality, traits typical of Mannerism as prac- ticed at the Escorial and a more reformed style.

They appear very early in the work of Ribalta. But these traits are not un- common to other Valencian masters of the time, such as Vicente Requena and Juan Sarinena. On the other hand, when we con- sider the realist orientation of a young Valencian of the time, we must also remember the paintings recently brought from Italy by the archbishop-patriarch Juan de Ribera, which in- cluded a Martyrdom of Saint Mauro by Giovanni Baglione and especially a copy of the Crucifixion of Saint Peter by Caravaggio.

It is in no way surprising that Riberas later production 18 does not permit us to infer his first steps in painting. This is, in fact, frequently the case among the young foreign painters in Rome who converted to the naturalist novus ordo of Caravaggio. In that conversion, all signs of their former stylistic identities were considerably weakened or canceled out altogether. To cite a concrete example, this occurred to such significant French artists who were contemporaries of Lo Spagnoletto in Rome as Valentin and Simon Vouet. And with others, even determining their country of origin is problematic — for example, the so- called Master of the Judgment of Solomon and the "Pensionante del Saraceni," whose real names we do not even know, and Cecco del Caravaggio, who has been considered Flemish, French, or Spanish and who, it seems, is really an Italian.

It is, of course, possible, even probable, that he made the trip via Naples, where for the first time he could see original works by Caravaggio and Caravaggio himself and come into contact with such followers of the master as Carlo Sellitto and Filippo Vitale more than Caracciolo , and with his future father-in-law, Azzolino, who was also curious, albeit at a dis- tance and intermittently, about the naturalist vein.

The date of his voyage to Italy has to be close to The document reveals that at the age of twenty Ribera was already a painter held in high esteem, a foreigner who, in a center like Parma, with its rich artistic tradition, was entrusted with the realization of an altar painting on public view. This work by the young Spaniard would be repeatedly praised in the local literature, reproduced in prints, and included among the best paintings that could be seen in the city.

The very fact that the French under Napoleon a dded it to their rich pictorial booty is clear evidence of how highly it was valued. In it he refers to "those painters of excellent taste, particularly that Spanish painter who holds fast to the school of Caravaggio. If he is the one who painted a Saint Martin in Parma and stayed with Sig. Mario Farnese, one should be on guard and keep one's wits lest poor Lodovico be consigned to the provinces. The challenge that Lodovico Carracci joked about was apparently taken more seriously by other colleagues, and Mancini explains that Ribera "while still quite young, having journeyed through Lombardy to see the work of those able men.

Not until the final stage of his life, with the Equestrian Portrait of Don Juan of Austria, would the Valencian master paint another horse, which appears to move toward the viewer somewhat obliquely, according to a compositional formula with some old anteced- ents for this subject. But if we compare Ribera's picture with earlier paintings that present similar images of horses — works by Pordenone, El Greco, Rubens, and even Ribalta, in his Saint James the Moor-Killer in Algemesi, which Ribera could have seen — this robust horse in Parma is distinguished by the naturalness and elegance of its gait and by a light that, together with the realistic drawing of the beggar with the wooden leg and crutch and the figure type of the young saint wearing a cap, seems to reveal a certain familiarity with Caravaggesque painting.

Ribera s 12 stav in Parma, then, would not have been a stop on the wav from Spain to Rome but rather a journev undertaken later, atter his arrival in Rome. In the article cited above, Michele Cordaro has also suggested, on the basis of the relationship between Mario Farnese and the sculptor Francesco Mochi, that Ribera and his Parmesan protector probably met in Rome. Regarding Ribera in Rome, attention must be called to an important chronological tact that has not been mentioned in the relevant literature until now.

Thanks to the research of Jeanne Chenault, we now know about three archival documents that refer to Ribera's presence in Rome. It should be noted that Giulio Mancini records in his Consideration! The third document is from the archive of the Accademia di San Luca and states that on May 7 the last known date of the painter in Rome i, "Giosephe Riviera" gave the academy "as alms promised at other times, two scudos," the payment of a debt that leads to the assumption that the painter was already preparing to leave for Naples.

Now, neither Chenault nor anyone else I know of has no- ticed that G. Hoogewerff published this document from the Accademia di San Luca more than half a century ago. What is more, at the same time the Dutch scholar reviewed another unpublished document from the same archive by means of which we learn that Ribera was already living in Rome in 3. Regarding Ribera's stay in Rome, Mancini wrote a brief but illuminating eyewitness account only some four years after the artist left the city.

When he arrived in Rome, Ribera "worked for a daily wage for those who have workshops and sell paintings through the labours of similar young men," but "comporting himself well, he made his talents known, and came into a great reputation with a very great profit. Although some scholars have expressed reserva- tions, these Five Senses are undoubtedly the same series praised by Giulio Mancini and therefore belong to the Roman period, no later than The catalogue of Ribera's work of that decade is now fairly large.

In addition to other previously un- known works, it includes those that for some time had been attributed to Ribera but that were not recognized as definitely his. Only now do conditions allow us to ascribe these works to Ribera with certainty. The restora- tion of the paintings in the Colegiata of Osuna and their publication by Alfonso E. Perez Sanchez 2 9 have been of special importance. Still, a firm chronological sequence within that pe- riod has yet to be established. The Five Senses had been assigned an approximate dating of based on the aforementioned documents. But now, with Ribera's presence in Rome amended to at least , the possi- bility that this series is earlier must be entertained, challenging the groundless idea that Ribera adopted this splendid naturalis- tic style after the Northern Caravaggisti with whom he formed friendships and whose approximate dates of arrival in Rome are known.

Baburen arrived about , Honthorst about , and the Frenchmen Valentin and Vouet arrived about , as probably did the Master of the Judgment of Solomon and Cecco del Caravaggio, The Five Senses are admirable both for their superb picto- rial qualities and for their absolutely innovative iconographic treatment apparently for the first time in European art, this traditional allegorical theme is resolved in a naturalistic key, with highly polemical accents, such as the onion cut in half instead of the flower to symbolize smell.

They impress us with their elevation of ordinary people from the poor districts to protagonists who are captured with truthful individuality, ex- pressing a range of moods and humors, from the heartbreaking pathos of the blind man to poverty borne with smiling uncon- cern. Allied to this straightforward approach is a learned touch: we have in this series, if I am not mistaken, the first telescope represented in a painting, a telescope that seems copied from reality with its gold incrustations meticulously described.

Perhaps it is more than mere coincidence that Galileo, who was the friend of painters and who had recently invented his revolutionary in- strument, was in Rome in and again in Recent literature on Velazquez has paid scant attention to the problem of his possible connection, in his early stages, to Caravaggesque painting. In the latest monograph, for example, the matter is disposed of in a few lines. Aside from the fact that only one of them, the Crucifixion, was gener- ally accepted as original, their chronology seemed, and in fact is, irrelevant to an examination of Velazquez's formation.

The same is not true of the Five Senses, however, whose powerful, direct manner of painting presents the closest analogy to the early Velazquez. This series was painted for a Spaniard and in Spain, in fact, several old copies are preserved , and its dating means that the paintings could have been available to the infal- lible eye of the future painter of Las meninas. And what is true of the Five Senses is, to some degree, also true of other pieces by Ribera at the time, such as the splendid Democritusi 1 cat.

Certainly nothing had been painted in Italy or Spain that an- nounces more closely the style of the supreme Sevillan painter in his early years. I believe that an unpublished Smiling Geographer fig. The picture is known to me only through a mediocre photograph that bears the stamp F. If we consider conception, quality, the modeling of the face and hands, the beautiful still life, and expressive content, an attribution to the Valencian master during his time in Rome or at the beginning of his stay in Naples seems clear.

Prudence dictates leaving until after the exhibition, which will facilitate direct comparisons, the delicate problem of the Deposition of Christ cited by Mancini, which I am more and more inclined to identify with the beautiful Burial of Christ in the Louvre. Jusepe de Ribera, The Smiling Geographer. Whereabouts unknown intensity comparable to his most celebrated later creations. There is even greater reason to postpone any reference to the Martyr- dom of Saint Lawrence, an important invention by Ribera, known in the past through multiple unsigned copies.

Nevertheless, studying photographs of the works confirms my old impression, obtained from some of the copies, beginning with the one in the Vatican Pinacoteca, that the origi- nal redaction must belong to the Roman period and is, per- haps, the oldest from this time that we know today. The composition is organized on the front plane, with a few motifs arranged in a circle around a central void and little internal unity between forms and expressive content.

It is a composition of a certain crudity and rigidity, which in itself points to its being an early work. Some of those motifs appear indepen- dently in other, surely later works by Ribera: we find the man carrying wood transformed into a wine bearer in the Drunken Silenus of cat. The saint, in a transport of ecstasy — perhaps inspired by Reni — is certainly almost inter- changeable with the Saint Sebastian in Osuna, which led Spinosa to place the creation of the Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence to about More useful for an inquiry into chronology is the motif of the reflection of fire on the face, a type of experimentation with light found in Venetian painting.

The possibility that Ribera had already seen an example in Spain cannot be excluded in the Boy with a Firebrand by El Greco, which was in the posses- sion of the patriarch Juan de Ribera, or in some work by Ribalta inspired by Luca Cambiaso , but it was in vogue among such Caravaggesque painters in Rome as Elsheimer, Saraceni, Honthorst, and others.

It is a motif that Ribera would not touch on again, except in the Ixion cat. Finally, we wish to point out a Caravaggesque echo: the placement and posture of the boy gathering up the deacons garments seem to point to Caravaggio s Flagellation in Naples, but his physical type testifies to the earlier, Roman work of Caravaggio. Concrete references to Caravaggio are rare in Lo Spagnoletto, and, not surprisingly, they appear at the time when Caravaggio's impact was at its height. Perhaps the most moving of these is in the Saint Matthew cat. Our ignorance regarding the early years of one of the greatest painters bred by Spain and Italy is so considerable that we must console ourselves with these shreds of information until more significant discoveries are made.

See Ferrante ; Ferrante ; De Vito , pp. Ribera was already in Naples in July of 16 16; the contracts for his marriage are dated November Mancini , p. Vines Mayer, under "Ribera" in Thieme-Becker, vol. In Mayer , the last publication in which Mayer referred to the issue of Ribera's birth, he indicated, with some question, the date 15 and said that Ribera was apparently of a noble family.

MacLaren , p, 55, and MacLaren and Braham , p. Chenault San Petrillo De Dominci , while being the principal source of the history of Neapolitan painting in the seventeenth century, is, in actuality, danger- ous to use due to the large amount of erroneous data it contains. For instance, it states that Ribera was born in Italy — in Gallipoli — but that he proclaimed himself Spanish in order to ingratiate himself with the rulers of Naples. X-XIl' Madrid, , vol. Regarding the Moriscos, there are abundant references to Jativa in: Pascual Boronat, Los moriscos espanoles y sit expulsion Valencia, j; T.

Cordaro ; Sarthou Carreres , p. Salazar , pp. I refer to the evidently erroneous identification of Lo Spagnoletto with the person cited in a document from with the name "D. Gio: de riviera Canco [canonico]" see Chenault ;. With regard to hom- onyms, I will indicate another case: a Jeronimo de Ribera wrote a sonnet in Tuscan dedicated to Quevedo on the occasion of the great Castilian writer's arrival in Naples see Elias de Tejada , vol.

It may be that this Jeronimo de Ribera is none other than Jusepes older brother, with whom he lived in Rome in 5, as has been noted above and about whom we have no further knowledge. Tormo y Monzo Prota-Giurleo , pp. Palomino de Castro y Velasco , pp. Benito , with pertinent bibliography; also Ainaud de Lasarte See Benito The date of the arrival in Valencia of these paintings is not certain, but they were acquired by the founder of the cited Colegio Real de Corpus Christi, the archbishop-patriarch Juan de Ribera, who died in 1.

I know of only one attribution to Ribera prior to the trip to Italy, advanced with little conviction by Ponz "thev might be"j, of certain portraits whose whereabouts are unknown today but were in the Tem- ple de Valencia Ponz , vol. See Gianni Papi in Florence , p. See "Battistello e gli altri; II primo tempo della pittura caravaggesca a Napoli," a dense study by Ferdinando Bologna, in Naples , pp. Concerning Azzolino and the echoes of Caravaggio in his painting, see Ferrante and The important date of 1 was discovered by M.

In part because of how it is formulated, I do not believe that the following information credited to L. For the text referring to Ribera also see Milicua Malvasia , p. Chenault , Hoogewerff 3, pp. The publication of these documentary references has passed unnoticed because of the rareness of the book, which is also dedicated, as stated in its title, to artists and scholars of the Netherlands. Strangely enough, Hoogewerff himself, who thirty years later would dedicate a study to a theme closely related to Ribera Hoogewerff , did not realize that those documents corresponded in fact to the Spanish painter.

Searching for Netherlanders in the ar- chives, of whom he found many, he believed that this "Riviera" a frequent deformation of the name "Ribera" in Italian documents; we need go no further than what we have seen in the Roman parish regis- ters of and also came from the North, and laconically anno- tated the dates, saying that they possibly referred to a Fleming "mogelijk von een Vlaming zijn kan". Such a proposed identification of origin is explained by the existence of an important sculptor of the same name, Egidio della Riviera, the literally translated name by which Gillis Van den Vliete a native of Malinas who died in Rome in was known in Italy.

The archive of the Accademia di San Luca according to Hoogewerff s own book also records, between and , as an aggregato member of the Accademia, a certain Giovanni della Riviera, a gilder and seller of paintings "indoratore," "bottegaro," "rivenditore" j, whose name in his native country must have been Jan Van den Vliete or Jean de la Riviere, for on one occasion he is mentioned as "Giovanni Fiammingo. I am happy at this point to thank my friend, the English Hispanist Philip Troutman, for his help in the study of this question.

Longhi Mayer attributed it to Novelli, and Trapier accepted the attribution to Douffet. Recently, Benedict Nicolson Nicolson , vol. In a review of the Fort Worth Ribera exhibi- tion Mallory , its attribution to Ribera was rejected with negligi- ble arguments. I believe that this Saint Peter and Saint Paul in Strasbourg, of which copies exist in Spain, is probably the same one that had been in the Monastery of the Escorial, registered under the name of Ribera, and that it was given to General Desolles in during the Napoleonic occupation see de Andres , p.

Perez Sanchez Brown , pp. Spinosa , vol. Bologna's attribution to Ribera is indicated by Spinosa, who shares it, in Perez Sanchez and Spinosa , no. Nicholson , vol. Craig Felton Felton suggests that both paintings are Ribera autographs; Bologna Naples has attributed the example in Kan- sas City to Ribera, while Nicolson , p. The catalogue by Spinosa Perez Sanchez and Spinosa , cat.

Evidently it would be verv useful to be able to examine the two canvases side bv side. Nicola Spinosa, in Perez Sanchez and Spinosa , cat. Piero Corsini, in Naples , pp. Although Naples no longer enjoyed the favored conditions that had prevailed during the reigns of Alfonso and Ferrante of Aragon, it was one of the most celebrated and mythical places on the Italian peninsula, for both its rustic beauties and its many associations with ancient culture. Moreover, in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, there began an ambitious series of building projects that transformed the city from a medieval town into a vast urban center — one of the largest in Europe — with all of the traits of a modern metropolis.

Within the span of just a few years, artists and craftsmen, often of the highest caliber, arrived from all parts of Europe — from nearby Rome and more distant Florence and Bergamo; from Lorraine in northeastern France and from Flanders and the Low Countries — reestablishing that cosmopolitan climate of ex- change and intense artistic activity that had existed during the years of Aragon rule.

Caravaggio had stayed in Naples in an d again in , leaving behind works of extraordinary intensity that ex- erted a profound influence on the young generation of paint- ers, provoking a break with the prevailing norms of late- Mannerist and Counter- Reformation trends. In the brief period from the first to the second decades of the seventeenth century, these artists progressed with dizzying speed through a sometimes breathless experimentation with Caravaggesque paint- ing, renouncing or distancing themselves from the stylistic preferences of their immediate past.

What with all the building activity, it would have been only natural for Ribera to expect commissions when he arrived in mid Juscpe dc Ribera, San Gennaro Emerging Unharmed from the Furnace, Cappella del Tesoro di San Gennaro, Naples Osuna, or perhaps having come at the duke's invitation he may have known the duke in Rome, where Osuna was Spanish ambassador to the Holy See , Ribera found extremely favor- able conditions for employment by the local nobility, particu- larly the Spanish aristocrats and entrepreneurs who resided in Naples on this, see the essay by Perez Sanchez in this vol- ume.

Ribera also came in contact with those artists who had been carrying out their own experiments after the example of Caravaggio, with results that were similar in their luministic intensity and bold naturalism to those that he had arrived at during his stay in Rome. However, as events would have it, the beginnings of Ribera s long activity in Naples coincided with an incipient crisis in the naturalistic experiments of the preceding decade.

Argentaria is therefore immensely proud to sponsor Jusepe de Ribera's four-hundredth anniversary re- trospective at The Metropolitan Museum of Art. We thank the Metropolitan, the Prado, and other contributing institutions and individuals for making possible so extensive a presentation of this great Spanish painter's compositions. In keeping with our ongoing commitment to the arts, it gives us as much pleasure to be associated with this significant exhibition as it will give the many thousands of visitors who come to appreciate Ribera's powerful and compelling works.

For full listings, see the Bibliography, pp. Entries are signed with authors' initials. For key, see above. Measurements cited are in inches and centimeters in the paintings section and in inches and millimeters in the prints and drawings sections. Height pre- cedes width. XI Introduction Of the great painters of seventeenth-century Italy, none speaks with greater, more disconcerting directness than Ribera.

Whether his subject is drawn from the Bible, the legends of the saints, classical mythology, or alle- gory, he is able to endow it with qualities of concrete reality and immediacy rarely encountered. Even the work of his compa- triot Velazquez — whose early genre and allegorical paintings are so closely allied with those of Ribera — is less acerbic. Ribera s male saints, ascetics, and apostles have grown old and leather-skinned in the harsh sun of Naples; the torturers in his martyrdom scenes have learned their trade in the local butcher shops and go about their grisly business with the disconcerting air of tradesmen inured through long practice; his young vir- gins, though hardly plebeian, are those dark-eyed, dark-haired beauties that can still be encountered, on occasion, in the narrow alleys of the city; his shoddily clad ancient philosphers — Plato, Aristotle, Democritus — profess the pragmatic wis- dom born of a life of hardship, not the abstract, professorial learning of the academy; and the gods of his mythologies seem long ago to have abandoned the regal splendor of Olympus for the less certain but more gratifying pleasures of the capital of Parthenope.

Where else is the inebriate character of Silenus set so unflinchingly and hideously before us cat. And who else has left so memorable a record of the handicapped poor as Ribera in his clubfooted beggar boy soliciting alms with a bare-toothed grin cat. Like Velazquez's memora- ble depictions of the dwarfs and jesters of the court of Philip IV, this ragged creature has ingratiated his way into our collec- tive social conscience. Compared with him, the peasants of the Le Nains strike a curiously sentimental note.

Even Caravaggio s depictions of gypsies and cardsharps, which pro- vided the initial impulse for Ribera's work, seem less direct, less raw in their mode of address, and more closely bound to established conventions. And yet, these pictures are very far from being manifestos of realism. We know from his own testimony that Ribera deeply admired the work of Raphael and Michelangelo, going so far as to declare that anyone who failed to study their work atten- tively did so at his own peril. Caravaggio, by contrast, is said to have openly despised these masters, though his paintings contain frequent references to their work.

Almost alone among Caravaggio s followers, Ribera was a master draftsman, and his pictures were the fruit of a long habit of drawing — a practice to which Caravaggio attached no importance. Ribera's move from his native Jativa, near Valencia, in Spain, to Rome and Naples was by way of Parma and Bologna, and his conversion to the Caravaggesque practice of painting directly from a posed model was preceded by the lessons of the Carracci among Ribera's earliest admirers was Lodovico Carracci, and Guido Reni is reported to have had an appreciation for Ribera s work as well.

In Rome, Ribera s firm grounding in disegno was only temporarily submerged by the vogue for what that archclassicist Giovan Pietro Bellori was later to term cellar painting, in which a model, usually of humble status, was posed "in the brown light of a closed room, with the light falling in a shaft from above on the principal parts of the body, leaving the rest in shadow.

However, for Ribera Caravaggesque painting, especially in the populist guise adopted by his northern companions on the Via Margutta, did not exclude an appreciation for the rhetori- cal apparatus of academic practice. His interest in grotesque figure types and his etchings of eyes, ears, and shouting mouths cats. The elegantly twisted torso of his crucified Christ cat. His series of prophets in the xn Certosa di San Martino figs, n, 12 openly vies in artistic ambition with those by Michelangelo in the Sistine Chapel and with Raphael's sibyls in Santa Maria della Pace, Rome, but it does so in a naturalistic key.

Ribera's eighteenth-century biographer Bernardo De Dominici may have erred in seeing the Spaniards Pieta fig. Indeed, in Ribera's work after about , nobility of expression in- creasingly combines with figures of a convincing humanity. In one work — alas, known only through three fragments of heads, two of which are in the Prado — Ribera, exceptionally, followed the composition of an ancient relief showing Dionysus visiting Icarius, but he was far from being archaeological or imitative in his approach to painting, and his work seldom discloses a specific ancient or High Renaissance source.

In the Drunken Silenus cat. How one wishes that his treatment of that quintessentially Venetian theme, a sleeping Venus, known only through a drawing in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge fig. What makes the The Clubfooted Boy so memorable is not merely the unflinching depiction of the child's malformed foot or his set of bad teeth, but the way he has been elevated to an archetype by means of a carefully calculated pose, his power- fully sculptural silhouette dominating the picture, with the landscape reduced to a strip at the bottom of the canvas.

Like some prince or saint, this figure from the margins of society boldly confronts the viewer, at once as an individual and as an emblem of Christian charity. When Ribera arrived in Rome in the second decade of the century, the art world was split into two camps: those who, following Caravaggio's example, championed nature as the sole model for their art, and those for whom nature provided only an imperfect reflection of a higher truth and beauty. By , Caravaggism was on the wane, but even to an uninitiate, such as Velazquez, who visited the city in , the division was evident, and the two large pictures he painted during this time — the Forge of Vulcan and Joseph's Coat — can be seen as responses to these two conflicting points of view.

In Naples, the classical position was represented by Annibale Carracci's favorite pupil, Domenichino, who arrived in the city in to undertake the prestigious commission to decorate the Cappella del Tesoro di San Gennaro in the cathedral. Ribera, who came to view Domenichino as his archrival, is reported to have com- plained that "Domenichino was not a painter, because he did not paint from nature," and it was through the prestige Ribera's art enjoyed that Neapolitan painting maintained a firm ground- ing in Caravaggesque naturalism and chiaroscuro long after the triumph of the Baroque style in Rome.

At the very beginning of the century, Giovanni Battista Agucchi, the early apologist of classical theory and a close friend of Domenichino, had likened Caravaggio to the ancient sculptor Demetrius, "who was so devoted to appearance that he had no regard for beauty. It was, of course, as a realist that Ribera was revered in the nineteenth century and as a realist that he has frequently been judged in the twentieth. However, as the foregoing comments suggest, his achievement was more complex.

Like Caravaggio before him, Ribera repu- diated the heroic, idealizing vocabulary of Michelangelo and Raphael, even as he learned from their example the richly articulated, triangular arrangement of his Holy Family with Saints Anne and Catherine of Alexandria [cat. His use of a rich impasto laid on with a coarse brush that picks out the furrows of a brow or the sag- ging skin on an aged stomach, his love of the texture of cloth or old parchment, and his eye for still-life details testify to an insistence on the world of visual experience as his primary source of inspiration.

However, at the same time, his paintings eloquently refuse to acknowledge a tidy division between art as mimesis and art as exposition. It is the union he effected between the complex and elevated language of classical style, with its emphasis oh gesture to communicate emotion and draw- ing as a means of transposing the imaginings of the mind, and x 1 1 1 the imperatives of realism that set his art apart and that, ulti- mately, account for its compelling and astonishingly modern voice.

For providing an American audience with the opportunity of experiencing in depth the achievement of this remarkable artist, Nicola Spinosa and Alfonso E. Perez Sanchez have put us all in their debt, and I should like here to 'express my personal thanks to them for the invitation extended to the Metropolitan Museum to participate in this exhibition.

Throughout its organization I have benefited from the close collaboration of Denise Pagano and Rossana Muzti in Naples and Manuela Mena Marques in Madrid; their friendship has been a constant source of pleasure. My admiration for the staff of the superintendency at Naples, who had the difficult task of setting the exhibition into motion, is enormous. At the Metropolitan, Andrea Bayer has served as coordinator, oversee- ing all organizational matters as well as writing the entries for the prints: to her my debt is very great. Lisa Rotmil volun- teered her services to help in the final stages of the production of the catalogue.

Mahrukh Tarapor, Assistant Director, has worked tirelessly to secure cru- cial loans, as has Placido Arango. Ruben, and Ann Lucke, who had the complicated task of editing and overseeing the translations. Our intention here is to throw a glance at the Ribera presented by the parish records, notarial and court documents, correspon- dence, and bank payments and to make one or two pertinent observations.

The character of the primary sources that have survived for Ribera is such that we know a great deal about some aspects of his life, whereas about others we are wholly ignorant. Contrast, for example, the extremely detailed docu- mentation yielded by the Historical Archives of the Banco di Napoli, which informs us about the painter s most banal financial transactions — the acquisition of a pair of mules from his sister- in-law Anna Azzolino in or the installation of a new set of locks in his house in the Strada di Santo Spirito some years later 1 — with the complete absence of information concerning his youth, training, and his move from Spain to Italy In fact, the primary sources are silent about the artist's life from the day of his baptism in Jativa, on February 17, , until June , when he received payment in Parma for an altarpiece of Saint Martin fig.

Jusepe de Ribera, Joel detail. Museo e Certosa di San Martino, Naples artist, he did so with a spirit of relentless polemic against De Dominici, whom he considered to be nothing but a peddler of "barefaced lies. Why this is so is not clear. At present it is still not possible either to deny or to confirm De Dominici's assertion that Ribera was appointed court painter by the duke of Osuna, viceroy from to , with a monthly salary of 60 doubloons.

The payment recorded in in the registers of the Banco di San Giacomo, according to which Ribera received ducats from the secret account of the king of Spain, may represent a settlement of arrears. They mention illness, financial hardship, family bereavement, and the state of works in progress, 22 and yet Ribera's art does represent a series of profound and dis- cerning aesthetic choices.

Stylistically, the early works are char- acterized by an acute, Caravaggesque attention to the surface and structure of his models and objects, tempered by an ap- preciation for the work of Annibale Carracci and Guido Reni; the increasing luminosity of his palette and the greater formal complexity of his later works is rooted in his study of the art of the sixteenth century, especially that of Titian — a process that is paralleled in Velazquez's development. In his chalk drawings, he displays a propensity for academic refinement, but in his observation of quotidian actuality his pen work reveals a wry and cutting wit.

The letter written by Lodovico Carracci to the Roman collector Ferrante Carlo is precious not only because it testifies to the esteem accorded the Parma Saint Martin by the doyen of Bolognese painting, but also be- cause it states that Lodovico had been impressed by the opin- ions "li pareri" that Ribera had expressed about the pictures in Carlo's collection.

According to Jusepe Martinez's ac- count of his meeting with the artist in Naples in , Ribera declared that he "meditated" on the works of the great mas- ters of the sixteenth century, especially Raphael, adding that the painter who did not do so would easily founder.

Documents also shed light on Ribera's personal relations with his artist colleagues and demonstrate that the artistic com- munity of early seventeenth-century Naples was a close-knit group bound by family ties and friendships. Ribera's alliance with Azzolino — a successful painter and sculptor who had been established in Naples for many years — through his marriage with his daughter Caterina must surely have neutralized a whole range of potential threats to a successful career, even if the Spaniard did have the viceroy's protection from an early date.

The poor relationship with the former is attested to only in the secondary sources; the documents say nothing about it. Perhaps Ribera's relationship with Caracciolo would be better described as one of rivalry rather than enmity, since eight years later thev stood together as witnesses to the marriage of Do. Antonio Giordano was the father of the better-known Luca, who would later be trained by Ribera. It was valued at the substantial sum of ducats.

Thanks to the legal proceedings initiated against the artist bv Cristoforo Papa to recover a sum advanced to him in for a painting of the Nativity, which bv had not vet been deliv- ered, three letters written bv Papa to Ribera have been pre- served in the State Archives in Naples, among the records of the court case. The three letters inform us about a whole group of paintings made for Sicilian patrons, none of which, unfortunately can be identified today. The court papers do not state how che case was resolved, and we do not know if the work was completed.

The papers relating to Ribera's work for the Certosa di San Martino in Naples are preserved in the State Archives in the Suppressed Monasteries sections Among them are some five copies with slight differences between them j of the list of payments made to the painter. They show that occasionally he was paid in kind, with wheat, wine ' once with two barrels of the Vesuvian wine, Lacnma Christn, and other provisions. The three letters written by the painter to the prior of the Certosa in 1 show in a most poignant fash- ion how much his prestige had fallen and how poor his financial circumstances had become.

There he appears as a disdainful and arrogant man whose reprehensible behavior fully merited the loss of family honor that followed the seduction of his daughter by the swashbuckling roval bastard, Don Juan of Austria. The monks of the Certosa di San Martino, on the other hand, describe him as "a pious person, friendly with the religious, who always be- haved with love and generosity toward the Church.

Despite the good things said by the monks of San Martino, we may still find it a little surprising that Cosimo del Sera characterized Ribera as an "extremely modest man. In he was made a knight of the Order of Christ of Portugal,? It is not unreasonable to sup- pose that what he really desired were the insignia of one of the Spanish military orders, probably that of Santiago, and that the genealogical document sent by the secretary of the Holy Office in Jativa, Juan Bautista Marti, to the Inquisitor General in a document that was mistranscribed and misinterpreted by San Petrillo when he published it in represents a preliminary step in Riberas unsuccessful attempt to obtain a Spanish knighthood.

Mariette had seen a letter that the painter had pur- portedly given to a certain Monsieur Langlois "in which he requested that he [Langlois] should find out if in the diocese of Ausch [sic] there were people who bore the name de la Riviere so that Lo Spagnoletto could associate them with his own fam- ily in order to magnify its glory. M 56 I t j s true tnat tne Vatican committee that had approved his admittance to the Order of Christ had declared him to be "born of noble stock,"57 but this was nothing more than a documentary formula, and, as we know from the case of Velazquez, the Council of Orders in Madrid demanded much more than hearsay or formulas by way of proof.

None of Ribera s sons became painters, and none of his daughters married painters, as did the daughters of Azzolino, Filippo Vitale, and, in Spain, Velazquez. Might these facts perhaps indicate a certain disdain on Ribera's part toward his own profession, an attitude that was not untypical of contemporary Spanish society? Probably not, at least if we believe that De Dominici's account of a prank Ribera played on two Spanish officers accurately reflects the artist s attitudes.

De Dominici relates that one day these two officers, who often visited the artist, were in his studio discussing alchemy, the philosopher's stone, and the secret of making gold. Ribera, exasparated by their futile and ridiculous arguments, told them that he knew the secret and that if they returned the following morning he would make them party to it. The next day they found him at work on a half-length painting of Saint John the Baptist. When he had completed it, he sent an apprentice to deliver the picture to a certain knight.

The apprentice returned with a small paper packet. Ribera invited the two officers, who could not bear to wait any longer, to observe the magic opera- tion. He opened up the packet and threw ten gold doubloons sent by the knight on to a table, exclaiming, "Here's how well I know how to make gold! What alchemy, what gold, what stone?

DA, June ii, 1. According to an unpublished two-volume manuscript by Enrico Scarabelli-Zunti, entitled "Documenti e memorie di belle arti parmigiane dall'anno all'anno 18 5 1. XVI questa piccola chiesa tre altari, uno dei quali mantenuto da una Confraternita laica [che] nel commise al pittore Giuseppe Ribera detto lo Spagnoletto, giunto allora in Parma a studiare le opere deH'immortale Allegri, quella stupenda pala esprimente S.

Martino che divide il mantello per coprire la nudita del povero. In the sixteenth century, this small church had three altars, one of which was maintained by a lay confraternity [that] in commis- sioned from the painter Giuseppe Ribera, known as Lo Spagnoletto, who was then in Parma to study the works of the immortal Allegri, that stupendous altarpiece which shows Saint Martin dividing his cloak to cover a poor man s nakedness. The young and almost unknown artist was paid only lire [sic] and one soldo for the picture, when today it would be worth thousands!

For the subsequent history of the Saint Martin, see Cordaro Celano , vol. Prota-Giurleo , p. As I have attempted to show in the first chapter of my doctoral thesis on Ribera, which I am in the course of writing at the Courtauld Insti- tute of Art, University of London. Nappi ; Delfino , , DA, July 21, ; see De Vito As early as , Doria referred to Azzolino as ''compare," a term of familial affection; see Pacelli , p. Perhaps the payment made to Ribera on October 26, , by Pier Capponi and Cosimo del Sera see DA for that date , relates to the painting commissioned by the grand duke.

DA, December 20, i6? Monterrey became viceroy of Naples in May i6;l DA, May 7 , and April 20, See Felton De Dominici , vol. DA, February 12, ; alternatively, it may represent payment lor the three paintings of saints that Ribera is recorded as having painted for Osuna in a letter from Del Sera to Cioli, written three weeks earlier, for which see DA, January 23, The paintings referred to are prob- ably identical with three of those at Osuna, for which see Finaldi DA, January 23, , and March 6, 1 See Finaldi DA, February 11, A fragment of another letter, perhaps a first draft of a letter written to Antonio Ruffo, is on the back of a drawing in the Uffizi S; the so-called Christ Recognized by the Apostles.

DA, December 11, Martinez , p. DA, October 7 ; September 22, , DA, May 3, DA, after September 6, 1. DA, after The document was published by Faraglia , who thought that it dated from Trapier , p. The document must date from between and because Stanzione was in Rome from until 16 ]o and Finoglia was in Conversano after DA, June 13, Sandrart , p. Bellon , p. DA, November 10, DA, November 7, Also see the biography of Luca Giordano published by Ceci in , p.

Parronchi , pp. The work was begun in late February Reference is made to it in an unpublished letter from Vincenzo Vettori, Florentine agent in Naples from to , to the grand duke s secretary, Andrea Cioli Archivio di Stato, Florence; Mediceo , July 24, The letter also mentions another figure in wax that Vettori was presenting to Cioli: "Havendo cavata dalle mani al famoso Giulio di Grazia, che fece il Giuditio di Paride per Sua Altezza Serenissima, una delle sue figurine di cera, non ho saputo bene meglio collocarla che nelle mani di Vostra Signoria Unpublished letter from the secretary of the duke of Alcala to the duke's agent in Naples, Sancho de Cespedes, October 3, Su Excelencia holgana mucho de tener algunos dias en Palermo a Julio de Gratis el que labra de cera para cjue le labrase alguna cosa i para verle hazer el Azul Ultramarino como ya le hizo otra vez delante de Su Excelencia en Napoles en castelnovo, tratarlo con el Sancho de Cespedes Advirtiendo que ha de ser con much gusto del giulio assegurandole cjue se le dara para la benida i vuelta que el tiempo que aqui quisiere detenerse se la dara posada 1 todo lo nezessario i quando se buelva se le regalara muy a su satisfacjon i si pareciere assentar primero lo que ha de ser se le podria offrezer cien ducados si se le tubiese un mes i ducientos si se tubiese dos i esto demas de pagarle la venida y buelta i toda la costa de lo que se tubiere si quisiere venir.

Se le odra advertir que traiga algun poco de lapis lazuli que no se si hallara aqui. His Excellency would be very pleased to have Giulio de Grazia, the man who works in wax, in Palermo for a few days so that he might make something for him, and to observe him making the Ultramarine Blue, as he did before in His Excellency's presence, in Naples in Castel Nuovo.

Sancho de Cespedes should arrange it with him, ensuring that everything be to Giulio's satisfaction, assuring him that he will be compensated for his outward and return journey and that for the time he wishes to remain here he will be given lodgings and everything else that is necessary and when he returns he will be rewarded to his satisfaction; and if first he wishes to confirm what he will receive he can be offered a hundred ducats if he stays for a month and two hundred if he stays for two, and this in addition to payment of his return journey and all his expenses if he chooses to come.

He may be well advised to bring a little lapis lazuli because I'm not sure if it can be found here [Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional; MS. I54v-i5 5r]. Giulio de Grazia's response must have been conditional, because in early November the duke of Alcala wrote to Cespedes saying: "He visto lo que rresponde Julio de Gratis i ya os dixe que en proponerle la venida habia de ser hallando el mucha conveniencia i con comodidad en ella" I have seen what Giulio de Grazia replies and, as I already told you, in proposing his visit here it should be to his convenience and advantage [fol.

Ruotolo , p. As early as , Giulio de Grazias name appears in connection with Azzolino's when the latter cedes a credit note for ducats given to Azzolino bv Lanfranco Massa, on behalf of Marcantonio Doria to Giulio, for which see Pacelli , p. DA, November 3, ; August 13, ; and April 14, ASN, Monasteri Soppressi , fols. DA, June 20, 1; June 23, ; and September 6, DA, June 29, See Perez Sanchez 1.

The object of Don Juan's seduction would appear to have been a niece and not a daughter of Jusepe de Ribera. DA, December 12, DA, September 16, DA, May 1, DA, DA, January 29, In the portrait of Magdalena Ventura. DA Elena Postigo Casteilanos of the Universidad Autonoma in Madrid author of the interesting studv entitled Honor y privikgio en hi corona dc Castilla [Almazan, ] ; informs me that it was normal proce- dure for those from little-known families who aspired to a Spanish knighthood to be asked for a "cursus honorum," which usually in- cluded as a primary element a "familiatura" of the Inquisition.

This was a formal statement of adherence to the Holy Office.

The Bells of Agnone: Marinelli’s family handcrafting papal bells since 1339

The document quoted in DA may, in fact, represent part of the request for such a "familiatura. For Francois Langlois, called Ciartres, see Brown We do not know how long Lo Spagnoletto a nickname he was al- ready known by and his future father-in-law had known each other, but there is no reason not to suppose that their rela- tionship was recent in formation and that it followed Riberas arrival in Naples from Rome, where he is last documented in May 1 61 6.

Nonetheless, the possibility cannot be excluded that their acquaintance went back to an earlier, undocumented trip by Ribera to Naples. In any case, the marriage to Azzolino s daughter marks the beginning of a new stage in the life of the Valencian painter. The change occasioned by his move to Na- ples and his abandonment of the bohemian life that he had enjoyed in Rome are pointed out by his first biographer, Giulio Mancini, in a text written about M [In Naples] he married one of his [Azzolino s] daughters and, doing various works with his usual felicitous manner, he was introduced to the viceroy.

As a result, he lives in that city, still spending his usual amount and that extra that a wife and honourable appearance at court necessitates; nonetheless, having left the wastrels [sparapani], given his speed of working together with his han- dling of paint [colorito] and good judgment, his earnings are enough to maintain the splendour of his life.

There is, indeed, a continuity between what Ribera painted in Rome and what he would paint "with his usual felicitous man- ner 1 ' during his early years in Naples, and it is no easy task to distinguish between Riberas style before and after his arrival. If we take as a comparative point of reference , the year in which the tercentenary of the artist's death was commemo- rated, it becomes apparent that the research of the last few decades has produced very significant clarifications of Ribera's activity in Italy before he arrived in Naples in We now know that the move from Spain to Italy had occurred by , the date of the Saint Martin Sharing His Cloak with a Beggar, which he painted for the Church of San Prospero in Parma the work has been lost, but copies and an etching have been preserved; see fig.

Yet our knowledge of Ribera s pre-Italian period is still almost nonexistent: We know nothing certain about him from the time of his birth in Jativa in to his appearance in Parma in This leaves much room for con- jecture, but since not all the hypotheses that have been formu- lated have taken into proper account the known facts, these should be examined in some detail.

Some scholars, such as August Mayer and Neil MacLaren, expressed reservations regarding the reliability of these baptismal and marriage documents. And if that incontrovertible verification were not enough, a curious genealogy that was uncovered by Baron de San Petrillo 6 and dated by a notary of the Secretariat of the Inquisition resident in Jativa identifies the shoemaker Simon Ribera as the father of the insigne pintor celebrated painter , confirming what we already knew from the parish records of that city. He was, rather, born into the family of a shoemaker, the trade attrib- uted to Simon Ribera in the oldest of the cited documents that refer to him, that of his marriage in to Margarita Cuco, his first wife and the mother of Lo Spagnoletto.

He is also described as a shoemaker in his second marriage and in his third marriage in to the daughter of another shoemaker. It should be remembered that Jativa — the Iberian Saiti, the Roman Saetabis — is a city with a long history; raised to an episcopal see during the Visigothic period, conquered by the Moslems in the tenth century, it is the oldest documented about center of paper manufacture in Western Europe. Fernand Braudel quotes the lapidary phrase of the arch- bishop of Valencia, Saint Juan de Ribera, the zealous promoter of the expulsion of the Moriscos , who said, when he saw them leaving: "Who will make our shoes for us now?

It was therefore plausible to cautiously propose an identification of Ribera s father with that Simone Rivera or de Ribera. But with the solid information on the obscure Valencian shoemaker now in our possession, this identification now seems highly improbable. This is surely a double? It was the family name of people of the highest rank, including viceroys, the count of Olivares it was his mother's family name , and the duke of Alcala — with all the consequent gathering of relatives with the same name around them — the admiral Fran- 10 cisco de Ribera and the actress Antonia Ribera who caused so many problems for another viceroy, a protector of Lo Spagnoletto, the count of Monterrey , and others whose biog- raphies escape us but who are buried in the churches of San- tiago, Monteoliveto, and Santo Spirito and are mentioned in registry documents.

Jativa was the home of the Borjas, or Borgias Calixtus III and Alexander VI, the only Spanish popes except for the anti- pope Benedict XIII, were born there , among other distin- guished families, and it once had an artistic patrimony much richer than the one it now possesses. Its architecture suffered a severe blow with the demolition ordered by Philip V in retalia- tion for the city's having favored the archduke Charles in the War of the Spanish Succession Equally or even more unfortunate was the massive destruction during the Spanish Civil War of more than two hundred altarpieces and paintings that made Jativa a museum of primitive art, as Elfas Tormo entitled his study of this subject.

These names also make it pat- ently clear that in this field Jativa was an appendage of the city of Valencia, situated some fifty kilometers away. The shoemak- er's son must have gone there at an early age to initiate or continue his apprenticeship as a painter. That Jusepe Ribera would go to work in the capital is not only a logical deduction, it is also supported by information concerning his brother Juan, about whom only two biographi- cal notices subsequent to his birth are known: in he was in Rome, living with his brother Jusepe, and in he appeared in Naples, again living in his brother s house.

Juan Ribera inter- vened as a witness for Adott, declaring that he himself was a "Spaniard of the city of Valencia" and that he knew Adott "as a compatriot, who lived on the same street in Valencia. Juan Ribera s statement clearly implies a long residence in what he says is his native city.

And since everything else we know about him — his profession, his presence in Rome and in Naples — suggests that he followed in Jusepe s footsteps, we can assume that they also lived together for a time in the city of Valencia. Having lost their mother and then their stepmother at an early age and undoubtedly having relatives in the capital Simon Ribera and his father came from the suburban district of Ruzafa , perhaps they left Jativa while still quite young. Palomino, whose Lives was published in , was the first to write that Lo Spagnoletto had been a pupil of Francisco Ribalta.

This notion was undisputed except implicitly by the spurious story of De Dominici and those who repeated it until the middle of our century. Nothing seemed more logical, in fact, than to accept an idea that established a direct connection be- tween the two greatest personalities of the seventeenth century in Valencia although one was an immigrant and the other emigrated elsewhere. But a brief analysis of Palomino's text shows that his information was extremely deficient. Whereas he assures us that Francisco Ribalta "studied the art of painting in Italy; some say in the school of Annibale [Carracci], but more in the works of Raphael," in another passage he includes "Ribalta the Valencian" among the Spanish painters who became fa- mous without having to study in Italy.

This enormous distor- tion of such basic historical facts is only one of the reasons obliging us to mistrust the Spanish Vasari with regard to the specific information that now concerns us. Still, there is reason to consider that he may have received it from a trustworthy source, for example, his conversations with Luca Giordano.

This is not easy to verify, but in the final analysis what really matters is something else: can specific links be detected be- tween Ribera's painting and that of Francisco Ribalta or any other artist active in Valencia during the first decade of the seventeenth century? Mayer and Tormo gave an affirmative re- sponse to this question, believing that the Ribalta-Ribera con- nection is supported by the evidence of style. However, we are now more familiar with the evolution of Francisco Ribalta,' 6 who only after 5 entered his last and highest phase, one that justifies including him among the great Spanish painters of his century.

It is a phase in which — parallel to his precocious son Juan and perhaps stimulated by him — Francisco begins to show the results of the fertile contact with the naturalistic, Caravaggesque current that has led even the most competent critics to argue whether a painting like the Ramon Lhdl in the Barcelona museum should be attributed to him or to Velazquez in his Sevillan period in my opinion, the issue is not yet set- tled.

The Ribalta with whom Ribera would have worked ad- hered to the heterogeneous Mannerist style of those painters who worked in the Escorial, with hints ranging from Sebastiano del Piombo to engravings from the North, none of which ap- pears in the production of his presumptive pupil. The affinity between the two should be sought in more general characteris- tics: expressive rigor, intensity, and a certain inclination toward a direct approach to reality, traits typical of Mannerism as prac- ticed at the Escorial and a more reformed style.

They appear very early in the work of Ribalta. But these traits are not un- common to other Valencian masters of the time, such as Vicente Requena and Juan Sarinena. On the other hand, when we con- sider the realist orientation of a young Valencian of the time, we must also remember the paintings recently brought from Italy by the archbishop-patriarch Juan de Ribera, which in- cluded a Martyrdom of Saint Mauro by Giovanni Baglione and especially a copy of the Crucifixion of Saint Peter by Caravaggio.

It is in no way surprising that Riberas later production 18 does not permit us to infer his first steps in painting. This is, in fact, frequently the case among the young foreign painters in Rome who converted to the naturalist novus ordo of Caravaggio. In that conversion, all signs of their former stylistic identities were considerably weakened or canceled out altogether. To cite a concrete example, this occurred to such significant French artists who were contemporaries of Lo Spagnoletto in Rome as Valentin and Simon Vouet. And with others, even determining their country of origin is problematic — for example, the so- called Master of the Judgment of Solomon and the "Pensionante del Saraceni," whose real names we do not even know, and Cecco del Caravaggio, who has been considered Flemish, French, or Spanish and who, it seems, is really an Italian.

It is, of course, possible, even probable, that he made the trip via Naples, where for the first time he could see original works by Caravaggio and Caravaggio himself and come into contact with such followers of the master as Carlo Sellitto and Filippo Vitale more than Caracciolo , and with his future father-in-law, Azzolino, who was also curious, albeit at a dis- tance and intermittently, about the naturalist vein.

The date of his voyage to Italy has to be close to The document reveals that at the age of twenty Ribera was already a painter held in high esteem, a foreigner who, in a center like Parma, with its rich artistic tradition, was entrusted with the realization of an altar painting on public view. This work by the young Spaniard would be repeatedly praised in the local literature, reproduced in prints, and included among the best paintings that could be seen in the city.

The very fact that the French under Napoleon a dded it to their rich pictorial booty is clear evidence of how highly it was valued. In it he refers to "those painters of excellent taste, particularly that Spanish painter who holds fast to the school of Caravaggio. If he is the one who painted a Saint Martin in Parma and stayed with Sig. Mario Farnese, one should be on guard and keep one's wits lest poor Lodovico be consigned to the provinces.

The challenge that Lodovico Carracci joked about was apparently taken more seriously by other colleagues, and Mancini explains that Ribera "while still quite young, having journeyed through Lombardy to see the work of those able men. Not until the final stage of his life, with the Equestrian Portrait of Don Juan of Austria, would the Valencian master paint another horse, which appears to move toward the viewer somewhat obliquely, according to a compositional formula with some old anteced- ents for this subject.

But if we compare Ribera's picture with earlier paintings that present similar images of horses — works by Pordenone, El Greco, Rubens, and even Ribalta, in his Saint James the Moor-Killer in Algemesi, which Ribera could have seen — this robust horse in Parma is distinguished by the naturalness and elegance of its gait and by a light that, together with the realistic drawing of the beggar with the wooden leg and crutch and the figure type of the young saint wearing a cap, seems to reveal a certain familiarity with Caravaggesque painting.

Ribera s 12 stav in Parma, then, would not have been a stop on the wav from Spain to Rome but rather a journev undertaken later, atter his arrival in Rome. In the article cited above, Michele Cordaro has also suggested, on the basis of the relationship between Mario Farnese and the sculptor Francesco Mochi, that Ribera and his Parmesan protector probably met in Rome. Regarding Ribera in Rome, attention must be called to an important chronological tact that has not been mentioned in the relevant literature until now.

Thanks to the research of Jeanne Chenault, we now know about three archival documents that refer to Ribera's presence in Rome. It should be noted that Giulio Mancini records in his Consideration! The third document is from the archive of the Accademia di San Luca and states that on May 7 the last known date of the painter in Rome i, "Giosephe Riviera" gave the academy "as alms promised at other times, two scudos," the payment of a debt that leads to the assumption that the painter was already preparing to leave for Naples.

Now, neither Chenault nor anyone else I know of has no- ticed that G. Hoogewerff published this document from the Accademia di San Luca more than half a century ago. What is more, at the same time the Dutch scholar reviewed another unpublished document from the same archive by means of which we learn that Ribera was already living in Rome in 3. Regarding Ribera's stay in Rome, Mancini wrote a brief but illuminating eyewitness account only some four years after the artist left the city. When he arrived in Rome, Ribera "worked for a daily wage for those who have workshops and sell paintings through the labours of similar young men," but "comporting himself well, he made his talents known, and came into a great reputation with a very great profit.

Although some scholars have expressed reserva- tions, these Five Senses are undoubtedly the same series praised by Giulio Mancini and therefore belong to the Roman period, no later than The catalogue of Ribera's work of that decade is now fairly large. In addition to other previously un- known works, it includes those that for some time had been attributed to Ribera but that were not recognized as definitely his.

Only now do conditions allow us to ascribe these works to Ribera with certainty. The restora- tion of the paintings in the Colegiata of Osuna and their publication by Alfonso E. Perez Sanchez 2 9 have been of special importance. Still, a firm chronological sequence within that pe- riod has yet to be established.

The Five Senses had been assigned an approximate dating of based on the aforementioned documents. But now, with Ribera's presence in Rome amended to at least , the possi- bility that this series is earlier must be entertained, challenging the groundless idea that Ribera adopted this splendid naturalis- tic style after the Northern Caravaggisti with whom he formed friendships and whose approximate dates of arrival in Rome are known. Baburen arrived about , Honthorst about , and the Frenchmen Valentin and Vouet arrived about , as probably did the Master of the Judgment of Solomon and Cecco del Caravaggio, The Five Senses are admirable both for their superb picto- rial qualities and for their absolutely innovative iconographic treatment apparently for the first time in European art, this traditional allegorical theme is resolved in a naturalistic key, with highly polemical accents, such as the onion cut in half instead of the flower to symbolize smell.

They impress us with their elevation of ordinary people from the poor districts to protagonists who are captured with truthful individuality, ex- pressing a range of moods and humors, from the heartbreaking pathos of the blind man to poverty borne with smiling uncon- cern. Allied to this straightforward approach is a learned touch: we have in this series, if I am not mistaken, the first telescope represented in a painting, a telescope that seems copied from reality with its gold incrustations meticulously described.

Perhaps it is more than mere coincidence that Galileo, who was the friend of painters and who had recently invented his revolutionary in- strument, was in Rome in and again in Recent literature on Velazquez has paid scant attention to the problem of his possible connection, in his early stages, to Caravaggesque painting. In the latest monograph, for example, the matter is disposed of in a few lines. Aside from the fact that only one of them, the Crucifixion, was gener- ally accepted as original, their chronology seemed, and in fact is, irrelevant to an examination of Velazquez's formation.

The same is not true of the Five Senses, however, whose powerful, direct manner of painting presents the closest analogy to the early Velazquez. This series was painted for a Spaniard and in Spain, in fact, several old copies are preserved , and its dating means that the paintings could have been available to the infal- lible eye of the future painter of Las meninas. And what is true of the Five Senses is, to some degree, also true of other pieces by Ribera at the time, such as the splendid Democritusi 1 cat.

Certainly nothing had been painted in Italy or Spain that an- nounces more closely the style of the supreme Sevillan painter in his early years. I believe that an unpublished Smiling Geographer fig. The picture is known to me only through a mediocre photograph that bears the stamp F. If we consider conception, quality, the modeling of the face and hands, the beautiful still life, and expressive content, an attribution to the Valencian master during his time in Rome or at the beginning of his stay in Naples seems clear.

Prudence dictates leaving until after the exhibition, which will facilitate direct comparisons, the delicate problem of the Deposition of Christ cited by Mancini, which I am more and more inclined to identify with the beautiful Burial of Christ in the Louvre. Jusepe de Ribera, The Smiling Geographer. Whereabouts unknown intensity comparable to his most celebrated later creations.

There is even greater reason to postpone any reference to the Martyr- dom of Saint Lawrence, an important invention by Ribera, known in the past through multiple unsigned copies. Nevertheless, studying photographs of the works confirms my old impression, obtained from some of the copies, beginning with the one in the Vatican Pinacoteca, that the origi- nal redaction must belong to the Roman period and is, per- haps, the oldest from this time that we know today.

The composition is organized on the front plane, with a few motifs arranged in a circle around a central void and little internal unity between forms and expressive content.

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It is a composition of a certain crudity and rigidity, which in itself points to its being an early work. Some of those motifs appear indepen- dently in other, surely later works by Ribera: we find the man carrying wood transformed into a wine bearer in the Drunken Silenus of cat.

The saint, in a transport of ecstasy — perhaps inspired by Reni — is certainly almost inter- changeable with the Saint Sebastian in Osuna, which led Spinosa to place the creation of the Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence to about More useful for an inquiry into chronology is the motif of the reflection of fire on the face, a type of experimentation with light found in Venetian painting.

The possibility that Ribera had already seen an example in Spain cannot be excluded in the Boy with a Firebrand by El Greco, which was in the posses- sion of the patriarch Juan de Ribera, or in some work by Ribalta inspired by Luca Cambiaso , but it was in vogue among such Caravaggesque painters in Rome as Elsheimer, Saraceni, Honthorst, and others. It is a motif that Ribera would not touch on again, except in the Ixion cat.

Finally, we wish to point out a Caravaggesque echo: the placement and posture of the boy gathering up the deacons garments seem to point to Caravaggio s Flagellation in Naples, but his physical type testifies to the earlier, Roman work of Caravaggio. Concrete references to Caravaggio are rare in Lo Spagnoletto, and, not surprisingly, they appear at the time when Caravaggio's impact was at its height. Perhaps the most moving of these is in the Saint Matthew cat. Our ignorance regarding the early years of one of the greatest painters bred by Spain and Italy is so considerable that we must console ourselves with these shreds of information until more significant discoveries are made.

See Ferrante ; Ferrante ; De Vito , pp. Ribera was already in Naples in July of 16 16; the contracts for his marriage are dated November Mancini , p. Vines Mayer, under "Ribera" in Thieme-Becker, vol. In Mayer , the last publication in which Mayer referred to the issue of Ribera's birth, he indicated, with some question, the date 15 and said that Ribera was apparently of a noble family. MacLaren , p, 55, and MacLaren and Braham , p. Chenault San Petrillo De Dominci , while being the principal source of the history of Neapolitan painting in the seventeenth century, is, in actuality, danger- ous to use due to the large amount of erroneous data it contains.

For instance, it states that Ribera was born in Italy — in Gallipoli — but that he proclaimed himself Spanish in order to ingratiate himself with the rulers of Naples. X-XIl' Madrid, , vol. Regarding the Moriscos, there are abundant references to Jativa in: Pascual Boronat, Los moriscos espanoles y sit expulsion Valencia, j; T. Cordaro ; Sarthou Carreres , p. Salazar , pp. I refer to the evidently erroneous identification of Lo Spagnoletto with the person cited in a document from with the name "D.